The DOJ’s release of email files from Jeffrey Epstein’s servers reveals Sultan Ahmed Bin Sulayem—Chairman and CEO of DP World who appears 924 times across the complete archive—systematically used Epstein as a political and business fixer for access to world leaders, billionaire investors, and distressed assets. The DP World chairman who appears 924 times across Epstein’s files didn’t just maintain a friendship with a convicted sex offender—he weaponized that friendship to navigate Dubai World’s financial collapse, secure meetings with heads of state, and position himself at the intersection of East-West business deals during the most turbulent period of his career.
September 2015: From Putin to Cameron via Epstein
A remarkable September 6, 2015 email exchange captures Sultan coordinating meetings with two world leaders while simultaneously arranging visits with Epstein. Sultan messaged Epstein: “I just came from Vladivostok forum fareastern region I had a good meeting with President Putin. I am now I London Tomorrow I am having a meeting with David Cameron at 10 dawning street. I will stay till Wednesday how long you are staying.”
The sequence reveals operational priorities. Sultan flew directly from the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok—where he met with Russian President Vladimir Putin—to London for a meeting with British Prime Minister David Cameron at 10 Downing Street, and immediately coordinated his schedule around Epstein’s availability. Epstein responded with a simple instruction: “call me.” The timing wasn’t coincidental. Sultan was executing high-stakes diplomacy around port operations, trade routes, and geopolitical relationships spanning from Russia to Britain, and he briefed Epstein about these meetings in real-time while arranging face-to-face coordination.
The Vladivostok forum represented Sultan’s cultivation of Russian relationships for DP World’s expansion into Far East logistics networks. The Cameron meeting at 10 Downing Street concerned British port operations—DP World had acquired P&O in 2006, making it a major operator of UK ports including London Gateway. Sultan moved between Putin and Cameron within 48 hours, treating Epstein as the person to immediately update about these diplomatic achievements. The message demonstrates someone who viewed Epstein not as a social acquaintance but as a strategic advisor worthy of briefing about interactions with heads of state.
Lord Mandelson and the Political Access Pipeline
Six years earlier, in September 2009, Sultan used Epstein’s network to arrange meetings with Lord Peter Mandelson, then serving as UK Business Secretary in Gordon Brown’s government. Email correspondence shows Sultan’s staff coordinating with Mandelson’s office through intermediaries: “Lord Mandelson’s office has just confirmed that they can make some space to meet with Sultan Sulayem on Wednesday 16th at 4 pm for 45 minutes.”
Sultan expressed frustration with the complexity of arranging the meeting, messaging Epstein: “did you email him personally.. ? who is simon? i sent you his personal email.” Epstein had provided direct contact information for someone in Mandelson’s circle, and Sultan expected Epstein to leverage personal relationships rather than relying on official channels. The exchange reveals operational dynamics: Sultan wanted backdoor access through Epstein’s connections rather than standard diplomatic protocols.
Lord Mandelson held significant power over UK trade policy, port regulations, and business relationships during a critical period when Dubai World—Sultan’s parent company—was careening toward financial collapse. The timing of Sultan’s outreach to Mandelson, facilitated through Epstein’s network, coincided with Dubai World’s desperate need for Western banking support and regulatory flexibility as it restructured $60 billion in debt. According to subsequent reports, Epstein had been trying to get Sultan to offer Mandelson a board position at one of his companies—using corporate governance appointments as currency for political access.
The Dubai World Collapse and Epstein’s Strategic Role
The 2009-2010 period represented an existential crisis for Sultan’s empire. Dubai World, the state-owned conglomerate where Sultan served as chairman, had accumulated massive debts financing aggressive international expansion. The company had purchased Barneys department store for $800 million, invested in an $8.8 billion Las Vegas casino development, paid $100 million for the Queen Elizabeth II liner, and executed the $6.8 billion P&O ports acquisition—all during a credit bubble that burst spectacularly in 2008.
By late 2009, Dubai World couldn’t service its debt. On November 25, 2009, the company announced it was seeking a six-month standstill on $26 billion in obligations, triggering panic across global financial markets. Western banks that had funded Dubai’s expansion faced catastrophic losses. Emirates NBD, Dubai’s largest bank, had lent $12 billion to Dubai World entities. HSBC, Standard Chartered, Lloyds, and Royal Bank of Scotland all had massive exposures.
Throughout this crisis, Sultan maintained regular communication with Epstein. Email traffic shows Sultan forwarding Wall Street Journal articles about Dubai World’s troubles to Epstein via intermediary Andrew Farkas. A March 2010 email chain shows Epstein receiving news that “Bin Sulayem replaced as Nakheel chairman.” The message was forwarded through Farkas’s network at Island Capital Group, indicating Epstein sat at the center of information flows about Sultan’s career turbulence.
The articles forwarded to Epstein carried brutal assessments. One Wall Street Journal piece titled “Dubai Inc. Needs Change at the Top” argued: “Faced with a continuing financial crisis of savage proportions, Dubai risks retreating into its past rather than facing up to its future… Surprisingly, its senior managers remain in place, including Sultan bin Sulayem, the chairman who masterminded the expansion. That has disappointed bankers who fear that, unless senior managers are held more accountable, the mistakes of the past will be repeated.”
Sultan was removed as Nakheel chairman in March 2010 as part of Dubai World’s restructuring. Nakheel, the property developer Sultan had led, was responsible for Dubai’s iconic Palm Islands—man-made archipelagos that became symbols of both ambition and excess. The company was the epicenter of Dubai’s real estate bubble, and Sultan’s removal represented public accountability for the financial disaster. Yet he retained his position as Dubai World chairman and his role leading DP World, suggesting his connections to Dubai’s ruling Maktoum family provided protection from complete removal.
During this period of professional vulnerability—when Western bankers were calling for his head and Dubai’s government was restructuring his empire—Sultan maintained active communication with Epstein about political access, business introductions, and strategic positioning. The relationship wasn’t recreational; it was operational during Sultan’s moment of maximum career peril.
Tom Pritzker and the Iraq Port Deal
An August 2015 exchange captures Epstein serving as intelligence source and deal facilitator for Sultan’s port expansion ambitions. Epstein messaged Sultan: “tom pritzker was here, he has a port/ logistics in Iraq, he is not sure what to do with it.” Tom Pritzker, billionaire heir to the Hyatt hotel empire, controlled extensive international business interests including logistics operations in conflict zones.
Sultan responded with strategic analysis: “It’s a small port in Basrah. I told him then I didn’t feel it was worth investing in it because of security and corruption. I know he told me.” The exchange reveals Sultan and Pritzker had previously discussed the Iraq port opportunity, likely facilitated through Epstein’s network. Sultan’s assessment—declining the opportunity due to “security and corruption”—demonstrates due diligence on distressed assets in war zones.
Basrah, Iraq’s only port city, represented a strategic chokepoint for Iraqi oil exports and international trade. Control of Basrah port operations would provide leverage over Iraq’s economy and position DP World as essential infrastructure for post-war reconstruction. Sultan’s willingness to evaluate the opportunity while declining the risk shows someone carefully weighing high-reward, high-danger investments in collapsed states. The fact that Epstein served as the intermediary connecting Pritzker’s distressed Iraqi asset to Sultan’s port empire demonstrates Epstein’s role as deal flow source for international transactions occurring in regulatory gray zones.
Andrew Farkas: The Real Estate Connection
The email files document extensive coordination between Epstein, Sultan, and Andrew Farkas—a New York real estate investor whose Island Capital Group specialized in distressed debt and opportunistic investments. Farkas served as forwarding node for correspondence about Sultan’s career, Dubai World’s financial crisis, and business opportunities spanning from Caribbean islands to Middle Eastern ports.
According to external reporting about the broader Epstein files, Farkas introduced Sultan to Epstein around 2007, with the connection forming around a harbor project Farkas developed on St. Thomas in the US Virgin Islands—conveniently located near Epstein’s private islands. The geographic proximity wasn’t coincidental; Farkas’s St. Thomas development and Epstein’s island operations created natural intersection points for business and entertainment that blurred deliberately.
The email traffic shows Farkas receiving updates about Sultan’s removal from Nakheel, Wall Street Journal criticisms of his management, and Dubai World’s restructuring. The distribution lists placing Sultan, Epstein, and Farkas in regular communication loops suggest coordinated strategy around Sultan’s career preservation, DP World’s expansion, and opportunistic investments in distressed assets during the global financial crisis.
Farkas’s expertise in buying distressed debt at steep discounts aligned with Sultan’s needs during Dubai World’s restructuring. The company’s $60 billion debt overhang created opportunities for investors willing to buy obligations at pennies on the dollar and negotiate settlements with Dubai’s government. Epstein’s position connecting Farkas’s financial engineering capabilities to Sultan’s insider knowledge of Dubai World’s situation created obvious opportunities for profitable coordination—though whether such coordination occurred remains undocumented in publicly released files.
The Canadian First Nation Cooking Ceremony
A June 2016 exchange reveals Sultan’s unusual travel arrangements while coordinating with Epstein. Sultan messaged about visiting Canada: “I hate this type complete I am Travelling with my Irish girlfriend i have also Hadi and my COOK because I will be meeting the chiefs of First Nation (Canadian Indian tribe) where they will cook for me and i need to cook for them.”
He clarified in a follow-up message: “I meant me my girlfriend my cook. I am coming with my girlfriend, my cook, and Hadi WE are planning to cook the 20 hours goat.” The reference to a 20-hour goat preparation suggests an elaborate ceremonial meal planned for negotiations with First Nation leaders in Canada. First Nation tribes in Canada control substantial natural resources, land access, and regulatory approvals essential for major infrastructure projects including ports, pipelines, and logistics facilities.
Sultan’s approach—bringing his personal cook and Irish girlfriend to participate in an indigenous cooking ceremony while planning 20-hour goat preparation—demonstrates someone adapting to ceremonial protocols required for business negotiations. The fact that he briefed Epstein about these arrangements while discussing travel timing suggests Sultan viewed Epstein as someone worth updating about his cultivation of First Nation relationships for Canadian expansion opportunities.
The context matters: DP World was actively pursuing Canadian port investments and logistics operations. Securing First Nation cooperation was essential for projects touching indigenous territories or requiring passage through lands with unresolved treaty claims. Sultan’s willingness to engage in ceremonial protocols while bringing his romantic partner and personal staff demonstrates someone who understood that major infrastructure deals required relationship building beyond boardroom negotiations.
Congo Port Concessions and Political Urgency
A March 2018 message captures Sultan managing high-pressure negotiations: “President of Congo insisting to sign the port concession with me on Friday.” The urgency suggests competitive bidding or political window closing for Congo port access. Sultan was negotiating with President Denis Sassou Nguesso’s government for control of Congo’s port infrastructure—critical access points for central African resource exports including oil, minerals, and timber.
The timing coincided with China’s aggressive Belt and Road infrastructure investments across Africa. DP World competed directly with Chinese state enterprises for African port concessions, with each deal carrying geopolitical implications beyond commercial returns. Control of Congo’s ports would position DP World as gatekeeper for central African trade while blocking Chinese expansion in the region.
Sultan’s message to Epstein about the Friday signing deadline suggests he was briefing Epstein about time-sensitive geopolitical maneuvers. Whether Epstein provided strategic advice, facilitated contacts, or simply served as confidant remains unclear. The fact that Sultan chose to update Epstein about presidential-level negotiations in African countries demonstrates someone who valued Epstein’s counsel on international deal structuring during critical closing windows.
The Pattern: Epstein as Strategic Advisor During Crisis
The emails reveal a consistent pattern across Sultan’s communications with Epstein from 2009 through 2018. During Dubai World’s financial collapse (2009-2010), Sultan used Epstein’s network to access Lord Mandelson and other UK political figures while Western banks demanded accountability. During post-crisis rebuilding (2011-2014), Sultan consulted Epstein about business opportunities including Tom Pritzker’s Iraq assets. During expansion phase (2015-2018), Sultan briefed Epstein about meetings with Putin and Cameron while pursuing Congo port concessions and Canadian First Nation relationships.
The relationship wasn’t recreational friendship—it was strategic advisory access during the most consequential moments of Sultan’s career. When facing removal from Nakheel, Sultan’s network included Epstein. When meeting Putin and Cameron within 48 hours, Sultan updated Epstein. When evaluating Iraqi war-zone investments, Sultan discussed opportunities with Epstein. When closing African port deals, Sultan messaged Epstein about signing deadlines.
The Wall Street Journal articles forwarded through Epstein’s network in 2010 argued that Sultan and other Dubai World executives should face accountability for the financial disaster they created. One passage stated: “For western lenders with billions of dollars still at stake, that is troubling. Take Dubai World, the conglomerate that has just been radically restructured after running up almost $60 billion of debt, yet executives responsible for decisions that took Dubai to the brink have kept their jobs.”
Sultan survived that accountability moment, retained his DP World chairmanship, and continued building a global logistics empire that now handles 10% of world container trade. Throughout his survival and subsequent expansion, Epstein remained someone Sultan briefed about presidential meetings, political negotiations, and strategic opportunities—until Epstein’s final arrest in July 2019 and death in August 2019.
Current Status: Navigating the Exposure
Following February 2026 revelations that Sultan received Epstein’s April 2009 “I loved the torture video” email and appears 924 times across the complete Epstein file archive, major institutions began distancing themselves from Sultan and DP World. Canada’s La Caisse pension fund halted future investments. UK anti-monarchy campaigners reported Prince William’s Earthshot Prize to charity regulators over the £1 million DP World donation. Media outlets globally covered Sultan’s identification as one of six powerful men whose names Congress forced the DOJ to unredact.
DP World issued no substantive response to questions about Sultan’s decade-long relationship with Epstein, the political access facilitated through that relationship, or whether Epstein’s network provided business advantages during Dubai World’s financial crisis. Sultan has not addressed whether his September 2015 message to Epstein about Putin and Cameron meetings represented standard networking or something more calculated. He has not explained why a convicted sex offender merited immediate briefings about interactions with world leaders.
The emails suggest answers. Sultan didn’t maintain casual friendship with Epstein despite the conviction—he maintained strategic advisory access because Epstein’s network delivered results during Sultan’s moment of maximum career vulnerability and continued providing value during subsequent expansion. The relationship served purposes beyond whatever personal entertainment occurred at Epstein’s properties.
Conclusion
Sultan Ahmed Bin Sulayem has not been charged with crimes related to Jeffrey Epstein. The 100 emails examined in this investigation document someone who weaponized a relationship with a convicted sex offender to navigate political and business challenges spanning from Dubai World’s collapse to DP World’s global expansion. The September 6, 2015 message—briefing Epstein about Putin and Cameron meetings within a 48-hour span—captures the relationship’s essence: Sultan treated Epstein as someone worthy of immediate updates about interactions with heads of state while coordinating face-to-face meetings during brief London windows.
The 2009 Lord Mandelson access, the 2015 Tom Pritzker Iraq intelligence, the 2018 Congo presidential negotiations—each represents a data point in a pattern where Sultan used Epstein’s network during consequential moments. Western banks demanded Sultan’s removal in 2010; Sultan consulted Epstein’s network while surviving that pressure. The documentary record proves Sultan maintained contact with a convicted criminal for nearly a decade after his conviction. The question is what specific value that criminal’s network provided during the most critical junctures of Sultan’s career, and whether any of those interactions crossed lines beyond poor judgment into actionable misconduct.
